Dr Jeff Young Character Traits

Wednesday, February 16, 2022 7:24:37 PM

Dr Jeff Young Character Traits



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The criminologist is anyone whose pursuit is the study of crime and the accumulation of knowledge about it. AYMAN RAMADAN ELZEINY Although the detective is involved in the solution of crimes, the policeman in preventing crimes and apprehending offenders, the judge in deciding important questions about evidence concerning crimes, the offender in planning and carrying out the criminal behavior, and the probation officer in handling and advising people put under supervision, none of these people is a criminologist, none is engaged in criminology. Criminology in sum, is a scientific study and a scientifically gathered set of propositions, theories, and generalizations, and the facts upon which they are based. Typologies of Delinquency: A Critical Analysis.

New York: Random House, , pp Kessler, and Charles H. New York: Free Press, , pp: The goal of administrative criminology is to supply useful information and practical guidelines to the criminal justice system to enable its agencies to manage and control crime. We need also to put ourselves in a position to furnish the courts with the fullest possible information about the offenders before them so that in all proper cases they may be able to select the treatment appropriate to each individual on the basis of an expert diagnosis of his history and personality.

Such a goal may seem laudable. In all of these instances the underlying assumption is of an individual offender who exercises rational choice when deciding whether or not to commit a crime. The offender weighs up the costs and benefits of criminal behaviour and engages in criminal activity where the likely rewards exceed the potential for punishment. To understand administrative criminology Imagine that a young man walking down the street at night with nothing on his mind but a desire for good times and high living. Suddenly he sees a little old lady standing alone on a dark corner stuffing the proceeds of her recently cashed social security check into her purse.

There is nobody else in view. If the boy steals the purse, he gets the money immediately. That is a powerful incentive, and it is available immediately and without doubt. There is no intention to address the much more difficult question of why some young men and women might be tempted to commit the crime whilst most would not. Of course, it might be that low self-control is a key factor in all of these criminal and quasi-criminal activities. However, the structure of incentives to their commission and the structure of opportunities for their realisation are so vastly different in each case that there is clearly something missing from the administrative equation.

Clarke for example, includes a diverse array of case studies to demonstrate the effectiveness of situational crime prevention covering the above categories as well as benefit fraud, retail fraud and drug markets. It would be foolish, even churlish, to deny the benefits of small-scale, practical measures to reduce crime and provide greater protection against mundane robberies, thefts, burglaries and other street crimes. Yet many criminologists are concerned that funds and energies are being directed towards repetitive research studies of such crimes at the expense of much larger — and potentially more harmful — crimes of the rich and powerful, of states and corporations, and that the ideology of administrative criminology has come to dominate over the critical development of criminology as an independent discipline.

New York: Springer , , p: Critical criminology may be explained as utilizing a subordinate ideology in its analysis of crime. It gained prominence in the s, a period of social change and social turmoil, during which some began to reexamine the issues of social fairness, equality, and justice. Scholars began to take renewed interest in a Marxist perspective for proposing solutions to what they viewed as economic and radical injustice. The NDC embarked on the ambitious intellectual project of connecting the creation of deviance to the social and political contours of post-war capitalism. Jock Young provides a neat illustration of this outlook.

In the conventional way of looking at things, bad individual choices result in problematic behavior which, in turn, creates challenges requiring societal responses. Questions were asked in reference to why certain behaviors came to be defined as crimes, why certain persons were more likely to engage in criminal behavior, and the extent to which the criminal justice system's processing and treatment of criminals were biased. Critical criminology is a critique of capitalism. It encompasses a historical account of how crime, law, and social control develop within a wider social, economic, and political perspective. This is a departure from traditional criminology and suggests that traditional criminology fails to recognize how material conditions and crime evolve together.

Critical criminologists argue that common crimes, those listed in the Crime Reports, are not the ones most costly to society, either economically or socially. They suggest also that the crimes that cost society the most such as corporate crimes, environmental crimes, fraud, violation of human rights, racism, sexism, dangerous working conditions that lead to serious bodily injury or death, and the manufacture and sale of hazardous products generally escape being labeled criminal. Critical criminologists believe that crime and criminology cannot be understood apart from understanding the processes by which people come to be defined as criminal, which in turn cannot be understood apart from considerations of power and privilege, which are tied in with the society's economic system.

Critical criminologists emphasize the causal connection between political and economic status and inequality and crime. The approach argues that class stratification and inequality are due in large part to political and economic factors as they relate to antagonism between owners of the means of production and wage workers in the capitalistic system. They explain crime by stating that the criminal justice system serves as an instrument of those who own and control the means of production. The powerful control the enforcement of laws; thus, they dominate the less powerful, or subordinate, in society.

So whilst critical criminology comprised a thorough challenge to mainstream criminological theory, it also attempted to underscore that challenge through a range of detailed empirical studies of the connections between crime, law and the state. The inequalities of modern societies include systematic discrimination against women and minority ethnic groups, and institutionalized social exclusion of the poor and people with physical and mental disabilities. Yet the involvement of these different groups in criminal activities, and the response of the criminal justice system to that involvement, varies remarkably.

Men are far more likely to be involved in crime than women, for example, yet women are more likely to be poor than men , so a criminal response to poverty is not equally shared amongst men and women. Nor, incidentally, is it equally shared across all ethnic groups. Critical criminology has several basic themes :- First, it is skeptical about any theory of crime causation that is individualistic and that includes sociological as well as biological, psychological, or psychiatric theories. The problem is not to identify the characteristics of those who become criminals, with the thought of explaining the "cause" of their behavior but, rather, to identify why some are labeled criminal and others are not so labeled. Second, it is no longer assumed that governmental agencies concerned with crime have had problems because of inadequate funds, lack of trained personnel, or for any other reason which would still attribute to the members of those agencies acceptable motives.

Critical criminology questions those motives. The position is that those in power use their power to suppress the poor and racial minorities; that is, one social class uses its power to control another social class. Third, critical criminologists question the belief that the laws represent the "consensus" of the American people. Fourth, official crime data, formerly seen as characterized by problems involving an "un fortunate source of error," are seen as efforts by those in power to present crime in the light that is most beneficial to those in power.

The latter effort was left to later interpreters — and the interpretive effort sometimes overshadowed the criminological explanations that were being offered. As such, they were antithetical to the Marxist project as a whole which, according to Hirst , treated criminology as a bourgeois discipline that inevitably failed to grasp true circumstances of class conflict under capitalism. We make these preliminary remarks because Marxist criminology, more so than any other strand of criminological theory, represents less of a school, paradigm or perspective and more of a debate about how sociological, political and economic analyses ought to be applied to real world problems of crime and crime control.

Part of the reason for the confusion is that a key task of Marxism is to explain not only the existence of crime but the existence and the form of the criminal law. Why does the law criminalize some things and not others? Why is the criminal law applied to some groups of persons invariably the poor and marginalized with much greater regularity than others invariably the rich and powerful? An easy, and frequent, response is to propose that the laws are made by the rich and powerful to serve the interests of the rich and powerful. Whilst Marx would, partially, have agreed with this claim it is not in itself a Marxist explanation. For Marx, the bourgeoisie i. The rich and powerful criminalised the poor and marginalised not because it served their personal interests even if their interests were in fact so served.

Method and Measurement in Sociology. New York: Free Press, , pp Where Marx does discuss the capitalist logic of the criminal law it is usually in the most caustic and sarcastic prose. The realization that traditional Marxism was too blunt a tool to prize open the inherent complexities of crime and deviance caused something of a split in critical criminology. Left realist criminologists effectively abandoned Marxism as a source of inspiration and critical analysis and, with it, the focus on the state, class antagonisms and property relations. Would the making of bank-notes have reached its present perfection had there been no forgers?

Whilst individual capitalists may rue individual crimes and strikes, the system as a whole profits from them and they are, indeed, part of its dynamic pattern of change. There is undoubtedly an overall capitalist interest in containing crime in order to prevent the premature collapse of the system but, for Marx, capitalism and crime are mutually interdependent. In it, he claimed that capitalism encouraged greed, egoism and self-interest at the same time that it stunted the intellectual and moral development of the poorer classes. Put these two sets of conditions together, Bonger argued, and what ensued was a series of social conflicts over property, morality and responsibility. In this circumstance, all crimes — be they economic, sexual, political or pathological — are the result of a perverted social system that has demoralized the body politic, diminished the altruism of mutual care and support and opened the floodgates of unbridled egoism.

Following Bonger, a small number of social scientists continued the effort to develop Marxist approaches to crime and crime control. Thus, Rusche and Kircheimer accounted for changes in punishment practices in terms of the control of labour, arguing that the severity and intensity of punishment varied according to the availability of labour. When labour was scarce and the working class in a relatively powerful bargaining position, punishments tended to be more humane; when there was a surplus of labour and the bargaining power of the working class weakened then punishments became harsher.

In this way, Rusche and Kircheimer sought to explain changes in penal law as a function of class conflict. Whereas Rusche and Kircheimer interpreted crime and the criminal law in terms of class conflict, Quinney interpreted these in terms of problems of capital accumulation. Marxist criminologies have been instrumental in sustaining the links between ideas about crime and ideas about the wider societies in which it occurs, but they are not without problems. Although Bonger, for example, drew on Marxism as a source of critical inspiration it is far from clear that his work presents a Marxist expla- nation for crime. This is partly because Bonger expends little energy working out why some things are defined as criminal and others are not.

Hence, the analysis does not tease out the importance of the ever-changing definition of criminal acts, nor the ever- developing technological contest between the entrepreneurial criminal and the industrial environment. Moreover, explaining the attempted genocide of the Jews in Germany purely in terms of class conflict would require that the history of European Jewish settlement, racial prejudices and the peculiarly criminal political culture of Nazi Germany all be ignored entirely. If crime and crime control are explained in terms of capital accumulation or powerful ruling-class interests there seems little for the ordinary man and woman to do other than tool up with Marxist theory and chase the revolution.

The fact that many ordinary men and women view crime rather differently than do academic Marxists may suggest that a theory of crime needs to pay rather more attention to such perceptions and perhaps less attention to correct interpretations of Marx. Indeed, this is precisely the direction taken by critical criminology, feminism and left realism in the late s and early s. Crimes are seen as threats to law-abiding members of society and to the social order on which their safety and security depend.

The "right" questions to ask about crime include: How are morally defective persons produced? The causes of crime are located in the characteristics of individuals. The solution to the crime problem is couched in terms of a return to basic values wherein good wins over evil. Until well into the twentieth century, most criminological thinking was conservative. Deviant Behavior. New York: Allyn and Bacon. Peace-making as an approach to understanding crime and justice came to the attention of criminology following the publication of a collection of essays edited by Harold Pepinsky and Richard Quinney entitled Criminology as Peacemaking Pepinsky and Quinney, In his conclusion to the collected essays, Pepinsky suggested that peace-making drew on three sets of traditions — religious, feminist and critical traditions — although, in fact, its sources are much broader.

Among other sources, contributors to the collection drew on anarchism, socialism, Marxism, mutualism and feminism; Buddhism, Quakerism and Gandhi; social psychology, functionalist sociology, post-structuralism, existentialism and psychoanalysis. Whilst the philosophical foundations of the peace-making approach are complex in the extreme, its moral perspectives on crime and criminal justice are not. AYMAN RAMADAN ELZEINY The dominant approach to criminal justice in contemporary society is one of punishment and retribution, but this merely encourages offenders to be more efficient in order to avoid being caught Fuller, and does not go to the root of the causes of crime problem — which are to be found in the violent, unequal and exclusive organisation of modern society.

Negative peace refers simply to the absence of violence. Positive peace refers to the presence of mutual support, humanism and freedom from oppression; that is, to the presence of those forms of human organisation that reduce motivations for violence. In this regard, it is as much a critique of contemporary society as it is a branch of criminology. Hence, the goal of peace-making is not simply to engage with offenders and make them more peaceful but to instil principles and practices of mindfulness, respect and reconciliation into the operations of all contemporary social institutions — including the institutions of criminal justice.

A peaceful, or at least less violent, society cannot be built on the foundations of a violent and exclusive criminal justice policy. It sends out the signal that the way to deal with harms is to mete out equal or greater harms to their perpetrators. Rather than escalating the violence in our already violent society by responding to violence and conflict with state violence and conflict in the form of penal sanctions such as death and prison, we need to de-escalate violence by responding to it through forms of conciliation, mediation, and dispute settlement. This principle applies to premeditated violence on the part of the state as much as to the violence perpetrated by individual offenders: the goal of a criminal justice system should not be to meet violence with more violence but to reduce the total levels of violence in society as a whole.

AYMAN RAMADAN ELZEINY negotiations about the most suitable outcomes of criminal justice procedures; to the use of correct means in order to ensure that neither victims nor offenders are forced to accept resolution by the imposition of inappropriate sentences; to ascertainable criteria so that all parties involved are able fully to understand the procedures used and options available; and to the categorical imperative in which criminal justice procedures are designed to uphold the dignity and respect of all parties involved — including the offender and the victim.

Although peace-making criminology is a relatively new perspective, it has attracted its fair share of criticism. Gibbons welcomed the emphasis on conflict resolution and techniques of mediation as alternative strategies in law enforcement but expressed some skepticism about the potential of the overall project. With reference to the United States, Gibbons went on to observe that it seemed a bit of a tall order to propose a fundamental overhaul of all social institutions as a means of delivering a more humane system of criminal justice.

Oxford University Press. Many of its proposed alternative methods — of mediation, rehabilitation, restitution, and so on — have been part of the criminal justice mainstream for a long time and, it might be added, there is, as yet, no sign that a peaceful society is about to develop in their wake. Moreover, he argues that whilst it may be an interesting and ethically laudable standpoint on injustice it does not offer a theory of crime that can be tested nor a convincing explanation of why the systems of criminal justice in modern societies operate as they do.

However, the first attempts to place biological understandings of crime on a scientific footing emerged around with the development of phrenology by the physician Franz Joseph Gall. The basic idea propounded by Gall was that different human character traits were localized in distinct areas of the brain. Where particular areas of the brain were over-developed such as those responsible for aggression and destructiveness or under-developed such as those responsible for nurturing and honesty criminal behavior was thought likely to result.

The next major attempt to link biology with criminality emerged in the work of the Italian physician Cesare Lombroso — in the latter part of the nineteenth century. This evolutionary backwardness he termed atavism. The atavist, for Lombroso, was clearly identifiable through certain physiological traits that were indicators of his primitive constitution. First, and most obviously, it was apparent that by no means all offenders in fact had identifiable atavistic traits.

Eventually, Lombroso claimed that only a third of convicted criminals in fact belonged to the atavistic type. Despite these difficulties, Lombroso persisted in the hope that criminal behavior could ultimately be traced to its supposed biological roots in some fashion. A second criticism levelled at Lombroso was that he ignored the ways in which socio-economic factors might be implicated in the genesis of crime. For example, in the s the American anthropologist Ernest Hooton studied more than 14, US prisoners to determine the links between physiology and crime.

Like Lombroso, he claimed to have identified distinctive physical markers of criminality, including straight hair, folded skin and sloping foreheads. The endomorphic body tended to be rounded, fat and small boned, and was associated with a relaxed, comfort-oriented personality. The ectomorphic body was lean, bony and small, and was accompanied by an introverted and shy temperament.

The mesomorphic body, Sheldon claimed, was broad, muscular and strong, and was associated with an assertive and aggressive personality. As biological and medical sciences developed over the twentieth century, theories of genetic heredity and its influence were taken up by biological criminologists. Since the work of Richard Dugdale in the late nineteenth century, numerous studies have examined the criminal careers within particular families, in order to establish how criminality may be passed from parents to children. However, such studies are dismissed easily as they cannot distinguish between the influence of biological inheritance on the one hand, and the social and cultural influence of family environment on the other.

Therefore, one of the most popular strategies followed by biological criminologists has been to engage in studies of adopted children. If the children of criminal parents show a greater propensity for offending, despite not having been raised by those criminal parents, this can be taken as evidence for a biologically inherited disposition towards criminality. In one of the best known studies of this kind, by Mednick et al. Such studies are often taken as proof positive that there is a scientifically validated link between biology and crime.

In short, the near impossibility of separating biological from social influences on behaviour means that such studies remain inconclusive. Another form of study that has been favoured by biological criminologists over recent decades is that based upon the XYY chromosome theory. Humans possess 46 chromosomes arranged in 23 pairs. The 23rd pair determines the sex of individuals. Hence such males will be XY.

Biological females will be XX, with both sex-determining chromosomes coming from the mother. However, in a small percentage of cases, chromosomal anomalies will occur. Criminological attention has focused upon those males with XYY sex chromosomes, i. The XYY inheritance has been linked to criminality. Jacobs et al. However, such studies have again been criticized as they use small population samples and so may not be statistically reliable. Moreover, even if the XYY chromosome does contribute to offending in some cases, this cannot help explain the offending of the vast majority of men in custody Other recent biologically based arguments include those pointing to factors such as early childhood brain injury and hormonal imbalances as potential causes or triggers of crime.

It was Park who proposed that the growth and population distribution of urban areas could be likened to the organisation of naturally occurring ecological systems. The city, he suggested, mirrored the development of plant life in that both were characterized by relationships of interdependence, symbiosis, and competition over scarce resources. Humans, like plants, embedded themselves in particular areas where it was possible for them to access the resources they needed, formed relationships of mutual dependence, and found themselves periodically threatened and displaced by others who arrived in their ecological niche. Just as the concentration, aggregation and dispersion of plant life could be understood by looking at their physical environment, so human community formation, location and movement could be analyzed in terms of the social and material surroundings that they occupied.

This basic proposition from Park set the ground for what subsequently became known as the urban ecology approach to sociology and criminology. This idea was taken up by Ernest W. Burgess, who developed a geographical model of Chicago showing the different areas or zones comprising it. His model featured five concentric zones arranged in radiating circles like the rings of a tree.

McCHmock and E. Gibson, op. McClintock and N. The approach was developed by Jeff Ferrell and Clinton Sanders but can be traced back to much earlier sociological and criminological styles. Presdee refers to the same antecedents but adds Marxism and the sociologies of Durkheim, Parsons and Merton, whilst Hayward and Young further add social anthropology and the urban sociology of Jonathan Raban and Michel De Certeau.

Moreover, some criminological approaches that might be said to shed light on certain cultural characteristics of crime and crime control—such as routine activity theories and control theory—are explicitly rejected by cultural criminologists. Thus, a concern with or commitment to the analysis of the relationships between culture and crime is not a sufficient definition of cultural criminology. The latter, in fact, belongs to no one tradition and is, in many ways, defined as much by what it is against as by what it is for. In particular, its practitioners are openly hostile to administrative criminology, situational crime prevention and rational choice theory. In some respects, these hostilities and critiques of settled criminological schools and theories indicate that cultural criminology is more a political than analytical approach to understanding crime and crime control and, in fact, Ferrell et al.

The graffiti writers are represented not as vandals or anti- social nuisances but as creative stylists who risk legal sanction in order to express their artistic individuality. These crimes are often not explicable in terms of their material rewards at all — domestic violence and domestic murder being particular cases in point. Instead, such crimes often arise in the context of deeper emotional and sensual needs, and it is only by grasping this deeper sensuality that variations in background factors can be explained: why do men commit more crime than women, why do some people in poverty turn to hustling and robbery but not others, why are there variations in ethnic participation in different kinds of crimes, for example?

Whilst seemingly restricted to the subjective experience and meaning of risk-taking, Lying and colleagues argue that such meanings and experiences are always related to a subcultural context: participants learn the meaning of their behaviour through interaction with others who are similarly engaged. Moreover, they develop distinctive linguistic and symbolic frameworks — particular codes, images and styles — through which to understand and communicate their experiences. In fact, the concern to investigate deviant subcultures precisely in terms of the challenges and resistances they offer is the key dividing line between cultural criminology proper and those criminologies that take culture seriously but do not depict deviance in terms of challenge or resistance.

It should be noted that the idea that deviant subcultures challenge mainstream culture does not necessarily imply that they do so consciously or directly. Although Ferrell, in particular, is dedicated to the detailed exploration of outsider groups — including graffiti writers, urban anarchists, dumpster-divers and trash-pickers — some cultural criminologists are more concerned to expose the wider social and cultural contexts in which these outsider groups operate. Of relevance here is work by Jock Young. In turn, it is the experience of humiliation that underpins much contemporary crime.

Keith Hayward also attempts to link insecurity and exclusion to problems of crime, arguing that many forms of crime and deviance are psychological responses to the powerlessness and marginalization experienced by the urban poor. In this way, Hayward and Young attempt to connect the individual feelings of powerlessness and exclusion to the collective subcultural styles, codes and values that feature so centrally in the work of Ferrell, Lyng and others. There is no doubt that cultural criminology represents an exciting and politically charged arena of criminological research and theory.

In some senses, it represents a branch of critical criminology in so far as it attempts to link the world of the deviant to the large-scale social, economic and political pressures faced by the urban poor in contemporary society. The question arises because it is common for cultural criminologists to operate with more than one concept of culture simultaneously. So, for example, Ferrell and Presdee use different meanings of culture depending on which groups of people they are describing.

The obvious question that arises in this context is: how have the deviants or the cultural criminologists, for that matter managed to escape the suffocating power of mainstream culture either in order to challenge it the deviants or reflect critically upon it the cultural criminologists? Second, and closely related, if the explanation for crime is to be found in subcultural responses to problems of exclusion, marginalization, and so on, then how does cultural criminology explain the generality of crime? Moreover, the very normality of contemporary society rests on criminal and otherwise harmful foundations: illegal logging and wildlife trading, people smuggling and trafficking, toxic-waste shipments and dumping, industrial espionage, land-theft, illegal fishing and hunting, exploitation of child labour, slavery, rape and sexual abuse and exploitation, and a host of other crimes and social harms, all continue apace as conditions for the supply of the raw materials and goods that developed nations take absolutely for granted.

Thus, whilst cultural criminology vividly exposes some of the day-to-day realities of some deviant groups and the interactions between their deviance and wider social and cultural conditions, it struggles to provide a general theory of crime that could be applied to those wider social and cultural conditions. Finally, as Colin Sumner wittily noted about an earlier array of critical criminologies: is it always necessary to explain criminals and deviants in terms of external forces — exclusions, marginalisations, powerlessness, and so on? Whatever the social, economic and cultural forces surrounding individuals and groups, it remains the case that some turn to sometimes heinous transgressions, some turn to minor illegal economies, and some get on with life trying to avoid causing harm to others, to be helpful and supportive to family, friends and community.

How cultural criminology explains this wider context may determine its success, or otherwise, in explaining crime in contemporary society. Prior to this decade-long, dedicated research initiative, criminological theory paid scant attention to natural environmental matters — nowhere more clearly demonstrated than in the fact that the sub-branch of environmental criminology was used to refer not to climate change, species extinction and habitat destruction but to local urban crime problems.

Similarly, Davies et al. The dearth of serious criminological attention to the natural environment cannot be explained by a lack of awareness of the mounting problems of human-induced environmental change. Environmental problems were seen as the province of other expert disciplines — in the natural sciences primarily, with some potentially useful contributions from economics. In the first, environmental incidents are viewed through traditional criminological perspectives. Most often the debate centers on the behaviour of corporations and firms and how to ensure their compliance with existing requirements. Currently, the sanctions available to national and international enforcement bodies tend to be inadequate for their purpose.

Where sanctions are imposed they tend to be after the event — that is, after the dumping of toxins, the destruction of habitats, the release of pollutants, and so on — and consist overwhelmingly in comparatively small financial penalties whose deterrent effect is dubious. In this scenario, the onus would be on a company or individual, potentially to demonstrate that any discharge or activity was harmless rather than on a justice agency to discover who was at fault for a harmful emission.

Rather, the criminalising or not of environmental damage is a struggle between competing social forces. Like the confusing and contradictory regulations surrounding drug use cannabis is a proscribed substance whilst alcohol is not environmental laws and the definition of environmental crimes are the subject of conflict and contestation. Even what counts as being environmentally friendly and what as environmentally harmful is subject to endless disputation. Recently, there has been a great deal of public debate about whether flying by jet aircraft is a serious contributor to climate change, with Green groups lambasting the airlines and the airlines lambasting the Greens. Today, the impact of such schemes is seen as being more harmful than beneficial. What Halsey proposes to put in the place of the green criminological project is far from clear but it is certainly a kind of postmodern enterprise somewhat akin to the constitutive criminology of Henry and Milanovic Many so-called environmentally damaging behaviours are not only legal but also culturally valued: driving cars, travelling in aero-planes, over-fishing of valuable marine stocks, using chemicals to clean houses and then flushing said chemicals down the drain — all of these are normal, routine activities with severe environmental impacts.

If criminology is to concern itself with environmental harms, then its practical orientation will have to change from how to address the problem of assault or burglary, for example, to how to address the problem of driving or cleaning up , There is nothing intrinsically wrong with a focus on the damage caused by normal, legal behaviour but there are already disciplines — sociology, politics, environmental science, for example — geared towards studying precisely those kinds of issues. The only things that we can know are the contents of our own consciousness. Such accusations, largely, are levelled whenever criminologists focus attention on the concepts or labels through which crime is understood rather than on the material or personal impacts of criminal activities.

In other words, he suggested, rather than engaging with the real circumstances and impacts of, and suffering caused by, crime, the critical criminologists marginalized or played down crime problems in favour of sweeping critiques of the state, capitalism or the criminal justice system as a whole. All persons will have an individual identity e. The formation and nature of individual identity has largely been the concern of disciplines such as psychology, psychoanalysis and philosophy.

However, in addition to individual identity, persons will have a range of social identities, through which they will understand themselves as part of particular social groups, and in terms of which others will understand them. Thus for example we can speak of gender identity e. Identities of this kind are not naturally occurring, but must be viewed as social constructions that attribute common characteristics to those who are associated with them. Thus for example we can note how historically those attributed with deviant sexual identities, such as homosexuals, have been persecuted and criminalized.

Crimes are offences against the community, and distinct from torts, which are civil wrongs against individuals. Torts entail the initiation of proceedings by the injured party rather than state officials, and are redressed by the award of damages rather than punishment. This is not a firm distinction, since an offender convicted of a serious crime may also be required to pay civil damages to the victim. While crimes are acts which harm the community, they encompass not only the most injurious behaviors, but also many with trivial effects, and the legal consequences for an offender range from the death penalty to a fine. Crimes are not clearly distinguished by criteria of social disapproval. A behavior contrary to law must first have been evaluated negatively by at least one person, i.

The law prohibiting robbery.

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