R Irizarry Dialectical Journal

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R Irizarry Dialectical Journal

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Dialectical Journal Unit 3

This general perspective implies that wholes are more than a mere sum of their parts, since they exhibit nontrivial properties and carry effects of various sorts, which that cannot be conjectured from looking solely on their constituent parts. However, this idea has also been subject to different specific interpretations and applications within heterodox economics leading to a series of distinct vantage points on the role of aggregates and aggregation in economics.

Institute for Comprehensive Analysis of Economy. Johannes Kepler University. Linz, Austria. July, And it is vital that heterodox economists maintain support for the student movement, in particular by providing a coherent alternative set of curriculum items, and putting further pressure on mainstream departments for a meaningful reform. The development of a new set of teaching tools is essential, since one of the main advantages of mainstream economics education is its consolidated monopoly particularly in the textbook market, which makes it very difficult to design heterodox teaching modules.

The profession does little to encourage heterodoxy and questions the legitimacy of heterodox views. Because of this, heterodox economists generally tend to focus on methodology, since through methodology they can question the legitimacy of the assumptions, scope, and methods that mainstream economists take as given. A problem faced by almost all heterodox groups is that of moving beyond methodology to establish their own analysis and provide a viable competing research program. There is truth in the saying that a theory can be replaced only by another theory. Consequently, the body of heterodoxy is almost inevitably riddled with dissension.

Heterodox thinkers, in fact, often save their most vituperative invective for their fellow heterodox economists. History of Economic Thought. Fourth edition. Boston, Massachusetts: Houghton Mifflin Company. Page 8. The big plus of heterodoxy is its association with pluralism, indicating aversion to dogma and openness to alternative ways of seeing. On the other hand, heterodoxy is only a critical position where orthodoxy is entrenched: almost by definition, therefore, it is consigned to the outer. Number 75, winter During these years the field has changed its general philosophical focus from universal rules borrowed from the shelf of scientific philosophy to local practical advice grounded in the interests and concerns of particular sub-fields; and it has changed its domain of inquiry from neoclassical and heterodox economics in general to the more pluralistic microeconomic approaches at the edge of the current research frontier.

Since interests always matter in the developmental path of any research program—within a particular science or within the study of a particular science—these changes will, and to some extent already have, contributed to the re-alignment of interests behind the field of economic methodology. My guess is that these changes will contribute to the steady growth and increased health of the field, but one never knows. Economic theorists have recently re-discovered path-dependency and the significance of context; we should not forget that these things matter to the future of economic methodology as well. Volume 8, issue 1, spring Heterodox economics may be better conceived of as a fuzzy set or as an open, complex system.

Volume 70, number 2, April In economics the dominant methodology combines formal mathematical modeling and econometric testing. The method marginalizes social forces not amenable to mathematical analysis, like entrepreneurship, institutions, transactions costs, social capital, and class relations. The dominant methodology also reduces other forms of inquiry to insignificance, such as qualitative research, historical research, and case studies.

As a consequence, scholars working in Austrian, property rights, transactions costs, Marxist, and other heterodox traditions face methodological discrimination in publishing in mainstream journals and often have to publish in specialized journals. On the Contribution of Dissident Economists. Volume 71, number 5, November Another approach would be to define heterodox economics positively, on the basis of features other than, or in addition to, a set of differences in relation to another category. Heterodox would still be something different from orthodox, but not defined exclusively in these terms; the differences could be seen in part as a consequence of the definition, rather than being the sole basis of the definition.

The tricky question is the following: How does one classify that part of mainstream economics that one allows to be different from the orthodoxy? Is that also a part of heterodox economics? As a result, is part of heterodox economics mainstream? Volume 30, number 2, winter — Volume 5, number 7, July First, with the decline of McCarthyism and the rise of the civil rights and anti-war movements, it was now possible to become a heterodox economist and even find a teaching position without being immediately fired.

But the possibility of existence brought with it a contested environment in which neoclassical economists attempted to keep the heterodox at bay. The orthodoxy furnishes the core assumptions and heterodoxy focuses on departures from them. Core assumptions: selfish behavior; departure: social behavior. Core assumption: optimal outcomes; departure: non-optimal outcomes. Perfect knowledge: imperfect and asymmetric knowledge; rational choice: bounded rationality; perfect competition: imperfect competition; rational expectations: adaptive expectations; stochastically determinate futures: non-ergodic futures; passive interactions: strategic interactions game theory ; automatic full employment: possible unemployment; all outcomes internal to the market: some outcomes may involve externalities; the ideal function of the state is to protect property rights and free markets: the state should regulate some market outcomes.

Volume 6, January The Central Bank, as an important organ of the State, is able to generate and retain confidence in the monetary circuit. The flow of new capital goods, on the other hand, depends on the expectations of the future which are not stationary. The State, with its non-private decision-making processes and time horizons, can effect long-term investments in basics investment. Secondly, the time-honored practice of building firewalls between different financial entities must be restored. In our case, the money-basics subsystem and hedge fund-nonbasics subsystem must be separated.

The dizzying pace of financial innovation can continue without brakes in the latter case, throwing up winners and losers. Volume 1, issue 1, You get 49, hits. I doubt whether the same could be said in of any economics department, anywhere in the world. Vienna, Austria: Oesterreichische Nationalbank. October, Volume 18, number 3, October Although separately formed, some of their members and adherents were broader in that they engaged with more than one of the challengers. By , these challengers, plus additional ones that emerged in the s and s, became known collectively as heterodox economics and had the status as the primary challenger to mainstream economics.

Volume 7, number 1, In the context of economizing, responsibility can be defined as a combination of rationality and morality …. Volume 20, number 2, Bill Gibson, editor. Northampton, Massachusetts: Edward Elgar. And over the past seven score years, no one has claimed that mainstream economics was or is difficult to identify and differentiate from Marxian economics or even Post Keynesian and institutional economics. Volume 43, number 4, All possible? Those formulated in heterodox approaches? Economists who have contributed to, or who have been informed by, the project of critical realism in economics have, in their more substantive contributions, generated economic theories that posit a variety of novel entities which in large part at least are unobservable.

This research, like that of others on industrial districts, regions, collective learning and so on, is constantly positing new categories, relations, processes and totalities, etc. Indeed, human society itself can only be known, and not seen, to exist. Reorienting Economics. When we the people control the corporations, then the corporations cannot control us. Only then will our formal rules about equality in voting and freedom of speech have a far greater democratic content. Of course, democratic socialism means an on-going struggle for the fullest democratic participation in government and democratic collective control of the economy; it does not simply mean government ownership, where the government is run by a self-selected elite as in the Soviet Union.

Volume 10, number 3, September Radicals emphasize the difference between neo-classical economics which deals in market relationships i. Volume 39, number 2, October This economic doctrine is focused on Marxist-based analysis and critique of contemporary capitalism, while the influence of other doctrines, such as Keynesianism, neo-Ricardian economics and institutional economics, is noticeable. Radical political economy encompasses a wide range of ideological orientations: anarchism, reformism, environmental, feminist, ethnic, social democratic and communist movements. As the common denominators of supporters of radical political economy, regardless of their ideological orientation, may be indicated.

Volume 8, number 4, This superficial perspective on feminism and the state can arouse suspicion among radical political economists who, in contrast, have often emphasized a critical perspective on the role of the state in capitalist economies. In fact, feminist empirical studies of the state have emphasized an ambivalent role. Volume 35, number 3, summer Gordon, Samuel Bowles, Herbert Gintis and others.

Roemer and John Elster, which attempts to reduce some of the Marxian propositions to conventional, methodological individualism i. Retrieved on May 1 st , The original link is now dead. Undated membership form. Retrieved on September 28 th , Stated briefly, the prevailing concepts have defined class as a noun; classes are specific groups of people. Most often, such classes refer to groupings according to the property they do or do not own: rich versus poor, owners of means of production versus those without such means, the propertied versus the propertyless.

From social critics in ancient Greece and Rome through traditional Marxists writing today, class is defined as a matter of the social distribution of property. Volume 45, For much of the discussion, my vantage point will be that of the largest oligopolistic corporations which most economists view as comprising the typical locus of decision making—at least on the production side of such economies. Given the shares of total employment, assets, sales, and investible funds usually accounted for by, say, the largest of such corporations, an assessment of the significance of imperialism for them may serve as a first approximation to its significance for the economy as a whole.

Volume 60, number 2, May This micro-level focus suggests that the alternative to capitalism — where one group of people produces a surplus while a different group appropriates and distributes it — would be enterprises in which the producers of the surplus are also collectively its appropriators and distributors. Volume 39, number 4, July Instead it sees divisions: prosperity for some is recession for others, government policies hut some and help others, inflations bring pain to some, profits to others. Secondly, it focuses attention on a particular division in society because neoclassical theory simply refuses to see or analyze it and because that refusal blinds neoclassical theory to important aspects of U.

Volume 30, issue 2, June Typically,its prosperous times collapse into recessions and depressions, while depressions eventually give way to economic upswings. The post-World War II boom came to an end in the serious economic downturn of the mids. The initial hegemony of the U. By the s, a crisis of capitalist enterprise faced the U. Economic Crisis: A Marxian Analysis. Number 97, June Thus Marx was critical of the liberal negative concept of freedom, because for him the distinctive character of humanity lies in the ability to plan conscious activity directed towards satisfying basic human needs.

Consequently, the extent to which a society is free is directly reflected to the extent to which a society controls its economy and directs itself in serving the needs of people. Consequently, the obligation of government institutions and related policies is to ensure that basic economic rights and welfare be given highest priority. Martin and Matthew S. Some radicals even echo the neoclassical dogma of technological utopianism. Furthermore, this optimistic view has been reinforced by an emphasis on the importance of the social relations of production to the exclusion of the resource base of economic systems. Volume 39, number 2, October Pages The other common meaning of radical has to do with whatever diverges from the orthodoxy of the time.

This issue examines radical economics in both senses. But some important ideas from the past have been forgotten, the distinction between wealth and riches is one. Social change also plays a part in the problems. Community friendly capitalism, ridiculed and attacked by some economists, has faded. At a deeper level the tendency for the rich to get much richer while the poorest people in the world are only slightly better off has produced more instability and uncertainty, which economists have not successfully addressed. Volume 37, number 1, Of particular interest are the histories of subgroups and the forces that affect their growth and divergence or convergence within the community.

Consequently, the history of heterodox economics is not just the history of heterodox economic theory; nor is it only the history of networks and institutions. Rather, since networks and institutions affect the development of theory, and since theory has an impact on the type of networks and institutions that emerge, the history of heterodox economics draws on both networks and theories and is thus an emergent synthesis of both. Volume 36, number 2, Spring Other criteria than efficiency must be added to theory with which to judge a society — individual development, responsiveness of social institutions — democracy, equity, community. Clearly some preference structures are preferable to others — in that people with those preference structures would be happier than with alternative preferences.

What kinds of institutions would create those preference structures? What kinds of institutions would allow people to be happy? No one has definitive answers to these questions. What is known is that capitalism is not such a system and to develop a preference structure that places a premium on interpersonal relations, aesthetics, spirituality and sensuality within a capitalist society is a revolutionary act. Radical political economists are involved in that process. Volume 14, number 1, spring The immediate intellectual progenitors of the current crop of radical political economists are a handful of older Marxists.

Wright Mills sociologist , all rooted in the Marxian tradition, have had an important influence on many young radical economists. Thus, the current character of radical political economy has been shaped by young and old scholars from a variety of disciplines writing from within and without the orthodox Marxian framework. Franklin and William K.

Volume 8, number 1, March But it is clear that the subject matter is vital to an understanding of the economic system and can be integrated with more orthodox material in an introductory course which will be attractive to students and analytically sound. In addition to subject matter, the quality of teaching is important. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that radical political economists and good teachers have a useful role in departments of economics.

Radical economists stress the need for everyone to think independently, so they will not blindly follow Marx or anyone else. Marxist social science should reflect the ethical values of oppressed and exploited groups. Volume 15, number 4, autumn Our hypothetical radical economist was a student activist in college and was raised in a home characterized by a high level of political interest. Experience as a student activist reinforces these beliefs and contributes to an adult radical perspective.

A low level of religiosity and a modest income are associated with economic radicalism, a prediction consistent with traditional Western political alignments and philosophies. Concerning the effect of factors internal to the discipline, the student activism experience leads the activist to seek postgraduate education in economics. While in graduate school the individual finds role models who reinforce a radical perspective. Professional socialization and radicalism will be com patible with a conventional life style. Volume 25, number 2, May That is, according to commodity fetishism, the social character of production is invisible to individual producers and consumers.

By extension, the value resulting from that social cooperation and division of labor is also attributed to private firms and their products, legitimating their claim to the surplus. Along with authorizing claims regarding income distribution, the notion that commodities and money have intrinsic value leads to distorted economic policies and ineffective social control of capitalist production. Volume 45, number 1, Volume 15, number 1, spring As a system to provide for the needs of mankind?

True, many of their observations have numerous grains of truth. We, as did Keynes, do not contend that capitalism is perfect, but we do assert that it produces the wherewithal to sustain the popu lace. Where wrinkles exist, they must be ironed out. But this does not mean we should discard the baby with the water. It means that the basic principles of self-interest, competition, and private property must be maintained, but tempered whenever inequities result.

Haroian and P. Volume 14, number 2, fall Besides, few radical economists owned much productive property themselves, and those few who inherited unseemly amounts usually donated a great deal of it to worthy causes. But it has never been easy for radical economists to criticize income people receive simply because they have more human capital than others, allowing them to produce more valuable goods and services than others can produce, even when they engage in no greater sacrifice than others do. This has always proved a heavy burden for radical economists to carry up the steps to their bully pulpits. Volume 37, number 2, spring The long war over ideology is perhaps the most important one for left scholars to wage.

New alliances within academia have become possible as reform politics has reached its limits in many cases. For instance, we have been able to successfully reach out to labor relations scholars who for many years were uninterested in radical or Marxian ideas. Volume 45, number 2, As such, commons should not be seen as essential, nor all-or-nothing either everyone has equal access or it is not a common but, more sophisticatedly, the commons can be understood as an ongoing concern, constantly negotiated and transformed through lived experience. It is given meaning by the participation of people. To these ends, it seems appropriate here to consider a little articulated element of the commons that appears increasingly relevant in contemporary society: the common resource of mobility.

Volume 48, number 1, The first stage concerns the deconstruction of the naturalization process economics has undergone. In this process putative economic laws have been made equivalent to natural laws and economic decisions transformed into plain technical issues supposedly free from democratic debate. The second stage concerns the description of the ways in which the market has managed to legitimize its hegemony in society and the reasons why this contributes to the erosion of democracy. Within this hegemony five aspects will be dealt with: the imposition of a market jurisdiction, the deregulation of the economy, the process of political and economic unaccountability, the de-politicization of choice, and the conflict between the territorialization of democracy and the de-territorialization of the market.

Volume 44, number 1, The answer is, and always is, yes. But my own personal disposition, and comparative advantage to coin a phrase, to undertake intellectual work has no doubt prejudiced me towards the view that such effort does not necessarily bear fruit. It has often been suggested, for example, that I address a larger audience through popular texts. I deeply applaud the intention behind such suggestions but have difficulty in envisioning what a text would be like that would be fit for purpose.

So my response is to ask to be given examples in economics, or otherwise, to be emulated. Most radicals would agree that radical economists may also be shaped by their experiences in progressive movements, as illustrated in earlier sections of this article. It is, however, an important hypothesis of the article that many radicals are also shaped by some defining life experience. Karl Marx was shaped not only by the prior movements and revolution of , but also by his personal experience of growing up in an affluent family and then being subjected to grinding poverty in London.

I grew up in an affluent family whose ideas were shaped by the Great Depression, the Second World War, and the Holocaust. Volume 38, number 4, fall The vendor would serve as a vehicle for the transfer of information about the program. Volume 20, numbers 2 and 3, It is not that self-interest is not important; it is just that appealing to this motive without developing alternatives is counter-productive in the long run. Volume 6, number 4, January The class members earn or produce income in direct proportion to the sum of their scores on a quiz.

They then decide by majority vote how the total class income is to be distributed among members of the class. They use the income to purchase letter grades. The following section describes the rules of the game in detail. The second section contains several variations of the game which seem to be particularly effective. The third section describes some of the concepts the game illustrates and contains a brief discussion of distribution, efficiency, and incentive. In the fourth section I discuss the actual playing of the game. The last section contains some general comments on games and simulations. Sources of other games are included in the annotated bibliography.

Volume 3, number 3, August The paper has also critiqued in tandem the view of many radicals who, subscribing to a restrictive view of capitalism, doubt that agriculture in India and by implication, agriculture in many other similar ex-colonial Third World social formations is capitalist enough. Volume 44, number 2, June It emphasizes that the art of the policymaker is to create markets without causing government failure, as happened in many countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States.

In addition, social inequality fuels macroeconomic populism—the redistribution of income from competitive sectors to noncompetitive ones, from successful businesses to losing ones, and from the rich to the poor. Volume 52, number 8, December Or: V. Volume 51, number 2, March—April On the one hand, there are many who suggest that the emergence of trade conflict will eventually propel the major advanced capitalist states into a trade war. The result win then be the erosion of all global capitalist cooperation and the re-emergence of a dangerous climate of stagnation, national chauvinism and imperial conflict.

Volume 16, number 4, In , Resnick, [Stephen] Hymer, and Wolff took part with others in the development of the Union for Radical Political Economics as an alternative to what they considered to be apologetic positions that the American Economic Association represented in the face of the evident instability, poverty, oppression, and exploitation that were inherent in the way the capitalist system worked. Resnick Volume 47, number 4, Secondly, it is more moral because it is universal in the sense that no criterion of discrimination operates in providing the income. Therefore, unlike the forms of support focused exclusively on the poor, the universal basic income does not generate the shame accompanying like a shadow the privilege of being granted a benefice.

Volume 60, number 1, March The market—no longer an empty space within which suppliers and consumers interact with one another—comes to be seen as a place in which individuals, occupying multiple subject positions as consumers, retail workers, producers, supervisors, interact in such a way that identities individual, group, and class are reproduced or transformed. A signal feature of radical political economy is the belief that economic actions are embedded in relations of power and conflict, domination and resistance.

I argue that this is no less true in sites of consumption and in the spaces that disrupt the clear distinction between production and consumption. Volume 39, number 2, spring First, it deals with the orthodox rationale of the political economy of peacebuilding. The article contends that, although the depiction of an aggressive, undifferentiated liberal peacebuilding has been refined, the millennial revisionist project ultimately fails to address these contradictions.

But we do not argue that this entails some sort of end to the value of structural explanation tout court. And that this is not social structures, but increasingly the pervasion of information and communication structures. These information and communication structures are the very networked flows, are the very economies of signs and space which are the subject of this book. Thus structured flows and accumulations of information are the basis of cognitive reflexivity. Thus structured flows and accumulations of images, of expressive symbols are the condition of burgeoning aesthetic reflexivity.

Thus the conditions of both cognitive and aesthetic reflexivity are economies of signs in space. Economies of Signs and Space. If they found no fulfilment, there would be a risk that they might opt out; yet if they found too much fulfilment, this could signify a satisfaction of desire that is anathema to an economic system that depends on desire remaining inexhaustible. Real happiness, [Theodor] Adorno reminds us, would mean no longer seeking ever more and ever newer sources of satisfaction. Real progress would mean abandoning the obsession with technical and economic progress. Far safer, therefore, for the capitalist to promise substantive eudaimonia , but to deliver only a taste of it, or substitute it for a more instant hedonic experience that leaves the individual still wanting more.

During periods of stability, capitalism successfully regulates this distribution of happiness and unhappiness. That unhappiness is now appearing as a costly and threatening negative externality to be tackled by the state suggests that this equilibrium is breaking down. Series II, number 71, September—October Throughout the s the level of capital flowing out of Japan into tourism and real-estate development around the region grew steadily, stimulated by the accumulation of trade surplus, the inflation of domestic land and stock assets, and the availability of cheap credit commonly around 4 per cent against the collateral of land.

Series I, number , July—August Jonathan P. Goldstein and Michael G. Hillard, editors. We then attempt to build its credentials as a macroeconomic category by estimating its considerable size and representing its consequential role in international finance and production. In the latter part of the article, we explore some potential effects of activating the global household as a political economic concept, looking particularly at three areas of inquiry and activism: globalization, development, and economic transformation.

Specifically, we argue that a prioritizing focus on the global household strengthens the vision of globalization from below; alters the participants, practices, and potentials of economic development; and reconfigures the imaginary of economic transformation. We conclude with an invitation to explore the unknown territory of the future armed with new concepts and a refusal to accept standard notions of economic power and global unfolding. Our hope is to contribute to the emergence of a feminist, postcapitalist international political economy that could inform a globally transformative economic politics. Volume 36, number 1, autumn This does not however mean that it is perishing.

On the contrary, the zombies roam the streets and infect healthy economists and other social scientists …. Since competition is reduced to the price competition of identical firms, competition negates monopoly and monopoly negates competition. The political economists such as [Karl] Marx, however, consider competition and monopoly as a dialectical process where they enforce and complement each other.

In this view, competition goes beyond the price competition between identical firms but is considered as a struggle between firms to survive and capture larger markets, particularly via productivity increases. Zombie economics normalizes and justifies this inequality by arguing that factors of production get income according to their contribution to the output. Volume 2, number 2, January This experience merits evaluation not only for what it has and has not done to foster equal opportunities within Europe, but also for the implicit lessons it provides in applying feminist economics in practice.

Nevertheless, the experience provides insight into both the current obstacles to the application of a feminist economics approach and into what progress can nevertheless be made along that road. Volume 11, number 3, November In pursuing this aim, Feminist Economics has welcomed contributions not just from economists but also from activists, policy makers, and scholars from many other fields of inquiry. Equally important, the journal has sought to include contributions from scholars who hail from all regions of the world and to require the papers it publishes to speak to a global audience.

These efforts reflect our commitment to inclusivity and our belief that broader representation of scholars will lead to a more rigorous and useful economics, better serving the interests of all people. Volume 16, number 1, January Feminist economists have developed analytical frameworks for examining gender relations that permeate political, social, and economic institutions including markets, governments, households, and firms. Their research has pushed the boundaries of knowledge by challenging conventional paradigms and concepts, ideas and categories that were engrained and therefore rarely scrutinized. Volume 40, number 2, summer Feminist analysis moved beyond situating the economic man as the norm in definitions of economics to considerations of humans in relation to the world ….

In particular, feminists argue that power in economic relations is erased by standard theories and models that de-emphasize difference as constraints or differences in natural endowments, while erasing variables such as distinct capabilities and access to resources between and among women and men. This focus also enables analyses of those commodities and processes that are necessary for capital accumulation, including the reproduction of the labour force. Ben Fine and Alfredo Saad Filho, editors. What is Marxist Institutionalism? It is an integration or synthesis of [Karl] Marx and [Thorstein] Veblen, though different people may emphasize more of one than the other.

First, the business cycle appears only in the capitalist business economy because it has institutions of market exchange, money and credit, and production for private profit. Within those institutions, the internal dynamics of capitalism have thus far turned every expansion into a slowdown, recession, or deep depression, depending on many variables. The institution of the labor market is such that wages always lag behind profits in every expansion, causing an eventual limitation on consumer demand. The institution of the commodity market is such that the prices of raw materials rise faster than other prices in almost every expansion.

Life after debt in Puerto Rico: how many more lost decades? Center for Economic Policy and Research. Mulligan, Jessica M. Unmanageable care: An ethnography of health care privatization in Puerto Rico. Nazario, Carmen R. Poverty in Puerto Rico: A socioeconomic and demographic analysis with data from the Puerto Rico community survey Ortiz, Fernando. World Development 31 2 : — The near northwest side story: Migration, displacement, and Puerto Rican families. The state and small-scale fisheries in Puerto Rico. Portes, Alejandro, and Kelly Hoffman. Latin American class structures: Their composition and change during the neoliberal era.

Latin American Research Review 38 1 : 41— Wealth extraction, governmental servitude, and social disintegration in colonial Puerto Rico. New Politics 16 2 : 91— Quintero Rivera, A. Ramos-Zayas, Ana Y. National performances: The politics of class, race, and space in Puerto Rican Chicago. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. American colonialism in Puerto Rico: The judicial and social legacy.

Marcus Wiener: Princeton. Romberg, Raquel. Witchcraft and welfare: Spiritual capital and the business of magic in modern Puerto Rico. Austin: University of Texas Press. Revista del Colegio de Abogados de Puerto Rico 68 1 : — Rosario, Melissa. Trumped again: The elections from the margins of U. Anthropology Now 9 1 : — Safa, Helen I. The urban poor of Puerto Rico: A study in development and inequality. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Puerto Ricans are helping each other as federal aid flounders. Silver, Patricia. Identities 17 2—3 : 86— Sisson, Patrick. Curbed , December Steward, Julian, Robert A. Manners, Eric R.

Wolf, et al. Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press. Taussig, Michael T. Torres Rivera, Alejandro. Turner, Victor M. The Forest of symbols. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Union Members Summary. Economic News Release, January Vargas-Ramos, Carlos. Puerto Ricans and transnationalism: A critical empirical assessment. Centro Journal 28 2 : 4— Villaronga, Gabriel. Toward a discourse of consent: Mass mobilization and colonial politics in Puerto Rico, — Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group.

Weisskoff, Richard. Factories and food stamps: The Puerto Rico model of development. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Wolf, Eric. Facing power—Old insights, new questions. In Pathways of power: building an anthropology of the modern world , with Sydel Silverman, — World Bank. Data: Puerto Rico. Wright, Erik O. Class boundaries in advanced capitalist societies. New Left Review 3— Download references. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Reprints and Permissions. Riding the perennial gale: working-class Puerto Ricans and the involution of colonial capitalism. Dialect Anthropol 42, — Download citation. Replication data. Geva, Dorit.

Gianfreda, Stella, and Benedetta Carlotti. Gill, Tom. Giraudi, Giorgio C. Goerres, Achim, Dennis C. Spies, and Staffan Kumlin. Goldstein, Jared A. Gonzalez-Vicente, Ruben. Goodwin, Matthew. On the Sweden Democrats Swedish national populist party rooted in white supremacism. Gordon, Linda. Gordon-Reed, Annette. Gorodzeisky, Anastasia, and Moshe Semyonov. Abstrac t. Govil, Nitin, and Anirban Kapil Baishya. Gray, Phillip W. Griffin, Roger, and Rita Almeida de Carvalho. Grigoryan, Lusine K. Gruenenwald, Jeff, and Kayla Allison. Gruenewald, Jeff, Brent R. Klein, William S.

Parkin, Joshua D. Freilich, and Steven Chermak. Based on data on terrorist incidents committed by extreme far-right FR and radical Islamic terrorists between and Guhl, Jakob, and Julia Ebnerin. On the interplay between the narratives and strategies of Islamist and far-right extremists, with an emphasis on the digital space. Hadiz, Vedi R. Hafez, Farid. Hafez, Farid, and Reinhard Heinisch. Hafez, Kai. Hagevi, Magnus. On the Sweden Democrats Sverigedemokraterna , a populist radical right party. Haines, John R. Halikiopoulou, Daphne. A review of elections across Europe. Halikiopoulou, Daphne, and Sofia Vasilopoulou.

Hameleers, Michael. Han, Kyung Joon. Hansen, Michael A. Hargitai, Tibor. Harsin, Jayson. Harteveld, Eelco, and Elisabeth Ivarsflaten. Hatfield, Joe Edward. Hatakka, Niko. Haugsgjerd, Atle. Hausknecht, Anne Christin. Published 9 Feb. Hawkins, Kirk A. Hearse, Phil. Hedges, Paul. Hegeman, Susan, and Paul Ortiz. Heinisch, Reinhard, and Vanessa Marent. Heinze, Anna-Sophie. Hendrikse, Reijer. Hennig, Anja. Edited by Jaime M. Pensado and Enrique C. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, Politics on the Right and Left. Herzog-Evans, Martine.

Hof, Tobias. Hoffman, Zachary. Hofmann, David C. Holt, Thomas J. Freilich, Steven M. Chermak, Colleen Mills, and Jason Silva. Assessing the Social Organization of Radicalization. Homola, Jonathan, and Margit Tavits. Hooghe, Liesbet, and Gary Marks. On the emergence of a transnational cleavage as a political reaction against European immigration, EU integration, and trade. Online Appendix. Hummel, Daniel. Huntington, John S. On Willis E. Evetts Haley and Texas Ultraconservatism. Iakimova, Olga. Journal of Hate Studies Richard King and David J. Presidential Campaign, by Caitlin R. Mungaray, Inwood, Joshua. Edited by James Renton.

Contents: Introduction: The global order of Muslim surveillance and its thought architecture, by James Renton, , full text — 1. Oversight, by Gil Anidjar, , abstract — 2. The figure of the fanatic: a rebel against Christian sovereignty, by James Renton, , abstract — 3. Arab others at European borders: racializing religion and refugees along the Balkan Route, by Piro Rexhepi, , full text — 6. Romero and Amina Zarrugh, , abstract. Ivaldi, Gilles. Jackson, Pamela Irving, and Peter Doerschler. Jackson, Paul.

Robertson, and Egil Asprem. Leiden and Boston: Brill, First two pages. Jayasuriya, Kanishka. Jedinger, Alexander, and Axel M Burger. Jeffries, Laura. Jenne, Erin K. Jensen, Michael A. Johnson, Carol. Johnson, Derek. Johnson, Jessica. Jones, Seth G. Jost, John T. Jungar, Ann-Cathrine. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, Kalb, Don. Kallis, Aristotle. Kalmar, Ivan. New York: ACM, Kanji, Azeezah. Kaufmann, Eric, and Matthew J. Kaya, Ayhan. Milena Dragicevic and Jonathan Vickery eds. Istanbul: Iletisim Yayinlari, Limassol: Solva-tech LTD, Kazharski, Aliaksei. Kefala, Argyro. Kelemen, Daniel. Ketola, Markus, and Johan Nordensvard. Kim, Juho. Kitayama, Yuka. Klein, Ofra, and Jasper Muis.

Klikauer, Thomas. Kocyba, Piotr. East European Journal of Society and Politics 4. Koehler, Daniel, and Peter Popella. Kohutova, Maria, and Mateja Horvat. Kosoff, Maya. Kotouza, Dimitra. Nationalism, Anti-Fascism and the Relationship with Immigrants. Kotroyannos, Dimitrios, and Emmanouil Mavrozacharakis. Koulouris, Theodore. Krake, Kristina. Edited by Trudie Knijn and Manuela Naldin. Media ted reactions to German neo-Nazi terrorism. Edited by Lene Auestad. London: Karnac Books Ltd, Reprinted London and New York: Routledge, Kurella, Anna-Sophie, and Jan Rosset. Insights from the Swiss Election. Kusters, Nicole. LaFree, Gary, and Joshua D. Laqua, Daniel. Laxer, Emily. Leahy, Stephen M. LeCras, Luke. Lee, Joonseong, and Katherine E Brown. Lee, Mia.

Extract and references. Lees, Charles. Lehmann, Pola, and Malisa Zobel. Lemelin, Bernard. Flynn and American Foreign Policy, Lentin, Alana. Levi, Neil, and Michael Rothberg. Lewicki, Aleksandra. Liburd, Liam J. Lilla, Mark. Lim, Youngmi. Loch, Dietmar. Volume 2: Politics, Social Movements and Extremism. Lockwood, Matthew. Motivated social cognition in a nationally representative sample of Hungarians on the eve of the far-right breakthrough in the elections. Love, Gary. A study based on an online survey conducted one year after the two terror attacks carried out in Norway on 22 July by a right-wing extremist. Mentions the Progress Party, a populist right wing party, and the far-right anti-Islamic news site Document.

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Pirro, Andrea L. The links of populism and Euroscepticism in Southern Europe. Pollen, Annebella. London: UCL Press, Popescu, Diana I. Portice, Jennie, and Stephen Reicher. Political Leaders. Portin, Fredrik. Postill, John. Poutvaara, Panu, and Max Friedrich Steinhardt. On the association between bitterness and support for the extreme right. Poynting, Scott, and Linda Briskman. Proffitt, Jennifer M. Prokupkova, Vendula. Collective Actors and the Identity Change of the Movement Pytlas, Bartek.

Quintas da Silva, Rodrigo. Explaining the vote for right-wing populist parties in Europe after the Great Recession. Randall, Frederika. Their poisonous opposition to migrants, their loud rallies, and their fascistic violence dominate the run-up to the March 4 polling. Raspor, Tizian. Ravelli, Galadriel, and Anna Cento Bull. Edited by Robert Leeson. Chapter abstract and bibliography. Ravndal, Jacob Aasland. Reed, Alastair, and Jennifer Dowling. Reid, Shannon E, and Matthew Valasik. Rensmann, Lars. Rich, Paul B. Richards, Imogen. Romero, Luis A. Rone, Julia. Rooduijn, Matthijs. A plea for both more and less focus. Comparing the Electorates of 15 Populist Parties. Rooduijn, Matthijs, and Brian Burgoon. Ross, Loretta J. Rucht, Dieter. Ruzza, Carlo. Edited by Carlos de la Torre.

Rydgren, Jens, and Sara van der Meiden. Sakurai, Takamichi. Salazar, Philippe-Joseph. Salmela, Mikko, and Christian von Scheve. Salo, Sanna, and Jens Rydgren. Salzborn, Samuel. Sanders-McDonagh, Erin. Saresma, Tuija. Edited by Donald E. Debrecen: Debrecen University Press, Sarkar, Bhaswati. Edited by Gulshan Sachdeva. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan,

London and New York: Verso, Juliet: Relationship Between Romeo And Juliet Interpersonal rituals in marriage and adult friendship. Mohan The hanging stranger. Robinson II.