Puritans Vs Indians

Monday, March 14, 2022 7:35:41 AM

Puritans Vs Indians

The communists Noises Off Analysis Russia, especially under Stalin, committed similar atrocities on ethnic groups. Washington, D. Wampanoag converts often continued their traditional practices in dress, hairstyle, and governance. The land, kept under community ownership, yielded very Ayn Rands Anthem: The Motivation Of Equality crops and the tribe members left it to get paying jobs in the cities. Mather tried Compare And Contrast A Raisin In The Sun Book And Book convince others that philosophy and science could work together with religion instead Fallen Women In Thomas Hardys Tess Of The D Urbervilles against it. This can be found reproduced in the 19thc. This article Noises Off Analysis about a Puritans Vs Indians century Compare And Contrast A Raisin In The Sun Book And Book minister.

The Puritans and the Indians

Calloway suggest that New England Indian communities suffered from gender imbalances at this time due to premature male deaths, especially due to warfare and their work in the hazardous trades of whaling and shipping. They posit that many Wampanoag women married outside their linguistic groups, making it difficult for them to maintain the various Wampanoag dialects. Since , some Wampanoag have been working on a language revival.

She has also produced a grammar, collections of stories, and other books. Early contacts between the Wampanoag and colonists date from the 16th century when European merchant vessels and fishing boats traveled along the coast of New England. Captain Thomas Hunt captured several Wampanoag in and sold them in Spain as slaves. A Patuxet named Tisquantum or Squanto was bought by Spanish monks who attempted to convert him before setting him free.

He accompanied an expedition to Newfoundland as an interpreter, then made his way back to his homeland in —only to discover that the entire Patuxet tribe had died in an epidemic. In , the Pilgrims arrived in Plymouth , and Tisquantum and other Wampanoag taught them how to cultivate the varieties of corn, squash, and beans the Three Sisters that flourished in New England, as well as how to catch and process fish and collect seafood. They enabled the Pilgrims to survive their first winters, and Squanto lived with them and acted as a middleman between them and Massasoit , the Wampanoag sachem.

The Wampanoag suffered from an epidemic between and , long thought to be smallpox introduced by contact with Europeans. However, researchers published a study in suggesting that the epidemic was leptospirosis , or 7-day fever. Alfred Crosby has speculated that the population losses were as high as 90 percent among the Massachusett and mainland Pokanoket. Since the late 20th century, the event celebrated as the first Thanksgiving has been debated in the United States.

Many American Indians argue against the romanticized story of the Wampanoag celebrating together with the colonists. Some say that there is no documentation of such an event, but there actually are two primary accounts of the event written by people who were present. Massasoit became gravely ill in the winter of , but he was nursed back to health by the colonists. In , the Narragansetts attacked Massasoit's village in Sowam , but the colonists helped the Wampanoag to drive them back. After , the members of Plymouth Colony became outnumbered by the growing number of Puritans settling around Boston.

The colonists expanded westward into the Connecticut River Valley. In , they destroyed the powerful Pequot Confederation. In , the Mohegans defeated the Narragansetts in a war with support from the colonists, and they became the dominant tribe in southern New England. After , John Eliot and other Puritan missionaries sought to convert Indians to Christianity, and the converted Indians settled in 14 "Praying towns. Salisbury suggests that the survivors suffered a type of spiritual crisis because their medical and religious leaders had been unable to prevent the epidemic losses. Many turned for help to Christianity and Christian discipline systems. Christianity also became a refuge for women from drunkenness, with its insistence upon temperance and systems of retribution for drunkenness.

Individual towns and regions had differing expectations for Indian conversions. In most of Eliot's mainland "praying towns," religious converts were also expected to follow colonial laws and manners, and to adopt the material trappings of colonial life. Eliot and other ministers relied on praise and rewards for those who conformed, rather than punishing those who did not. Wampanoag converts often continued their traditional practices in dress, hairstyle, and governance.

The Martha's Vineyard converts were not required to attend church and they often maintained traditional cultural practices, such as mourning rituals. The Wampanoag women were more likely to convert to Christianity than the men. Experience Mayhew said that "it seems to be a Truth with respect to our Indians, so far as my knowledge of them extend, that there have been, and are a greater number of their Women appearing pious than of the men among them" in his text "Indian Converts". Women had control of property, and inheritance and descent passed through their line, including hereditary leadership for men.

Wampanoag women on Martha's Vineyard were the spiritual leaders of their households. In general, English ministers agreed that it was preferable for women to subvert the patriarchal model and assume a dominant spiritual role than it was for their husbands to remain unconverted. Experience Mayhew asked, "How can those Wives answer it unto God who do not Use their utmost Endeavors to Perswade and oblige their husbands to maintain Prayer in their families? Massasoit was among those Indians who adopted colonial customs. He asked the legislators in Plymouth near the end of his life to give both of his sons English names.

The older son Wamsutta was given the name Alexander, and his younger brother Metacom was named Philip. After his father's death, Alexander became the sachem of the Wampanoag. The colonists invited him to Plymouth to talk, but Wamsutta became seriously ill on the way home and died shortly after. The Wampanoag were told that he died of fever, but many Indians thought that he had been poisoned. The following year, his brother Philip Metacom became sachem of the Wampanoag. Under Philip's leadership, the relationship changed dramatically between the Wampanoag and the colonists. Philip believed that the ever-increasing colonists would eventually take over everything—not only land, but also their culture, their way of life, and their religion, and he decided to limit the further expansion of colonial settlements.

The Wampanoag numbered only 1,, and Philip began to visit other tribes to build alliances among those who also wanted to push out the colonists. At that time, the number of colonists in southern New England already numbered more than double that of the Indians—35, vs. In , Philip was called to Taunton, Massachusetts where he listened to the accusations of the colonists and signed an agreement that required the Wampanoag to give up their firearms.

To be on the safe side, he did not take part in the subsequent dinner. His men never delivered their weapons. Philip gradually gained the Nipmuck , Pocomtuc , and Narragansett as allies, and the beginning of the uprising was first planned for the spring of In March , however, John Sassamon was murdered. But, a week before his death, Sassamon reported to Plymouth governor Josiah Winslow that Philip was planning a war against the colonists. Sassamon was found dead under the ice of Assawompsett Pond a week later; three Wampanoag warriors were accused of his murder by a Christian Indian and taken captive by the colonists; they were hanged in June after a trial by a jury of 12 colonists and six Christian Indians. This execution was a catalyst for war, combined with rumors that the colonists wanted to capture Philip.

Philip called a council of war on Mount Hope; most Wampanoag wanted to follow him, with the exception of the Nauset on Cape Cod and the small groups on the offshore islands. Allies included the Nipmuck, Pocomtuc, and some Pennacook and eastern Abenaki from farther north. The Narragansett remained neutral at the beginning of the war. On June 20, , some Wampanoags attacked colonists in Swansea, Massachusetts and laid siege to the town; they destroyed it completely five days later, leading ultimately to King Philip's War. The united tribes in southern New England attacked 52 of 90 colonial settlements, and partially burned them down.

At the outbreak of the war, many Indians offered to fight with the colonists against King Philip and his allies, serving as warriors, scouts, advisers, and spies. Mistrust and hostility eventually caused the colonists to discontinue Indian assistance, even though they were invaluable in the war. The Massachusetts government moved many Christian Indians to Deer Island in Boston Harbor , in part to protect the "praying Indians" from vigilantes, but also as a precautionary measure to prevent rebellion and sedition from them. From Massachusetts, the war spread to other parts of New England.

The Kennebec, Pigwacket Pequawkets , and Arosaguntacook from Maine joined in the war against the colonists. The Narragansetts of Rhode Island gave up their neutrality after the colonists attacked one of their fortified villages. The Narragansetts lost more than people and 20 sachems in the battle which became known as the " Great Swamp Massacre ". Their leader Canonchet was able to flee and led a large group of Narragansett warriors west to join King Philip's warriors. The war turned against Philip in the spring of , following a winter of hunger and deprivation. The colonial troops set out after him, and Canonchet was taken captive and executed by a firing squad.

Canonchet's corpse was quartered, and his head was sent to Hartford, Connecticut to be put on public display. During the summer months, Philip escaped from his pursuers and went to a hideout on Mount Hope in Rhode Island. Colonial forces attacked in August, killing and capturing Wampanoags. Philip barely escaped capture, but his wife and their nine-year-old son were captured and put on a ship at Plymouth; they were then sold as slaves in the West Indies. On August 12, , colonial troops surrounded Philip's camp, and soon shot and killed him. With the death of Metacomet and most of their leaders, the Wampanoags were nearly exterminated; only about survived the war.

The Narragansetts and Nipmucks suffered similar rates of losses, and many small tribes in southern New England were finished. In addition, many Wampanoag were sold into slavery. Male captives were generally sold to slave traders and transported to the West Indies, Bermuda , Virginia , or the Iberian Peninsula. The colonists used the women and children as slaves or indentured servants in New England, depending on the colony.

Massachusetts resettled the remaining Wampanoags in Natick , Wamesit, Punkapoag, and Hassanamesit, four of the original 14 praying towns. These were the only ones to be resettled after the war. The exception to relocation was the coastal islands' Wampanoag groups, who had stayed neutral through the war. The colonists forced the Wampanoag of the mainland to resettle with the Saconnet Sekonnet , or with the Nauset into the praying towns in Barnstable County. Mashpee is the largest Indian reservation set aside in Massachusetts, and is located on Cape Cod. In , the colonists allotted the natives about 50 square miles km 2 there, and beginning in they had self-government, adopting an English-style court of law and trials.

The area was integrated into the district of Mashpee in In after the American Revolutionary War , the state revoked the Wampanoag ability to self-govern, considering it a failure. It appointed a supervisory committee consisting of five European-American members, with no Wampanoag. In , the state returned a certain degree of self-government to the First Nations People, and although the First Nations People were far from autonomous, they continued in this manner. To support assimilation, in the state violated the Nonintercourse Act when it illegally allocated plots from 2, acres 8. The state passed laws to try to control white encroachment on the reservation; some stole wood from its forests.

A large region, once rich in wood, fish and game, it was considered highly desirable by the whites. With competition between whites and the Wampanoag, conflicts were more frequent than for more isolated native settlements elsewhere in the state. On Martha's Vineyard in the 18th and 19th centuries, there were three reservations— Chappaquiddick , Christiantown and Gay Head. The Chappaquiddick Reservation was part of a small island of the same name and was located on the eastern point of that island.

As the result of the sale of land in , the natives lost valuable areas, and the remaining land was distributed among the Indian residents in In the laws were changed, in order to hinder those trying to get rid of the natives and to implement a visible beginning of a civic organization. Around , they owned acres 2. Christiantown was originally a "praying town" on the northwest side of Martha's Vineyard, northwest of Tisbury. In the reservation still consisted of acres 1.

The land, kept under community ownership, yielded very few crops and the tribe members left it to get paying jobs in the cities. Wampanoag oral history tells that Christiantown was wiped out in by a smallpox epidemic. The third reservation on Martha's Vineyard was constructed in by the New England Company founded in to Christianize the natives. They bought land for the Gay Head natives who had lived there since before There was considerable dispute about how the land should be cultivated, as the colony had leased the better sections to the whites at low interest.

The original goal of creating an undisturbed center for missionary work was quickly forgotten. The state finally created a reservation on a peninsula on the western point of Martha's Vineyard and named it Gay Head. This region was connected to the main island by an isthmus; it enabled the isolation desired by the Wampanoag. In they had 2, acres 9. The rest was communal property. In contrast to the other reservation groups, the tribe had no guardian or headman.

When they needed advice on legal questions, they asked the guardian of the Chappaquiddick Reservation, but other matters they handled themselves. The band used usufruct title, meaning that members had no legal claim to their land and allowed the tribal members free rein over their choice of land, as well as over cultivation and building, in order to make their ownership clear. They did not allow whites to settle on their land. They made strict laws regulating membership in the tribe. As a result, they were able to strengthen the groups' ties to each other, and they did not lose their tribal identity until long after other groups had lost theirs. The Wampanoag on Nantucket Island were almost completely destroyed by an unknown plague in ; the last Nantucket Wampanoag died in Slightly more than 2, Wampanoag are counted as enrolled members of the nation today many have ancestry including other tribes and races , and many live near the reservation Watuppa Wampanoag Reservation on Martha's Vineyard, in Dukes County.

It is located in the town of Aquinnah formerly known as Gay Head , at the extreme western part of the island. It has a land area of 1. Only the Aquinnah and Mashpee bands have gained federal recognition, although the other bands are recognized by the state of Massachusetts and have also applied for federal recognition as tribes. Some genealogy experts testified that some of the tribes did not demonstrate the required continuity since historic times. For instance, in his testimony to the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the historian Francis Hutchins said that the Mashpee "were not an Indian tribe in the years , , , , , , and , or at any time between and Day 36, — In his opinion, an Indian tribe was "an entity composed of persons of American Indian descent, which entity possesses distinct political, legal, cultural attributes, which attributes have descended directly from aboriginal precursors.

Without accounting for cultural change, adaptation, and the effects of non-Indian society, Hutchins argued the Mashpee were not an Indian tribe historically because they adopted Christianity and non-Indian forms of dress and appearance, and chose to remain in Massachusetts as "second-class" citizens rather than emigrating westward note: to Indian Territory to "resume tribal existence.

Hutchins appeared to require unchanged culture, including maintenance of a traditional religion and essentially total social autonomy from non-Indian society. The Aquinnah "land under the hill" [41] [42] Wampanoag Tribe of Gay Head, Massachusetts are the only Wampanoag tribe to have a formal land-in-trust reservation, which is located on Martha's Vineyard. The most important of these was Magnalia Christi Americana which comprises seven distinct books, many of which depict biographical and historical narratives.

Mather influenced early American science. In , he conducted one of the first recorded experiments with plant hybridization based on his observations of corn varieties. This observation was memorialized in a letter to his friend James Petiver: [4]. First: my Friend planted a Row of Indian corn that was Coloured Red and Blue; the rest of the Field being planted with corn of the yellow, which is the most usual color. But to the Leeward Side, no less than Seven or Eight Rows, had ye same Colour communicated unto them; and some small Impressions were made on those that were yet further off.

In November , Mather's wife, newborn twins, and two-year-old daughter all succumbed during a measles epidemic. Robert Boyle was a huge influence throughout Mather's career. He read Boyle's The Usefulness of Experimental Natural Philosophy closely throughout the s, and his own early works on science and religion borrowed greatly from it, using almost identical language to Boyle. Mather's relationship with his father Increase Mather is thought by some to have been strained and difficult. Increase was a pastor of the North Square Church and president of Harvard College ; he led an accomplished life.

Despite Cotton's efforts, he never became quite as well known and successful in politics as his father. He did surpass his father's output as a writer, writing more than books. One of the most public displays of their strained relationship emerged during the witch trials, which Increase Mather reportedly did not support. In , Mather published Memorable Providences detailing the supposed afflictions of several children in the Goodwin family in Boston. Mather had a prominent role in the witchcraft case against Catholic washerwoman Goody Glover , which ultimately resulted in her conviction and execution.

The children were subject to hysterical fits, which he detailed in Memorable Providences. Mr Cotton Mather, was the most active and forward of any Minister in the Country in those matters, taking home one of the Children, and managing such Intreagues with that Child, and after printing such an account of the whole, in his Memorable Providences, as conduced much to the kindling of those Flames, that in Sir Williams time threatened the devouring of this Country.

Nineteenth-century historian Charles Wentworth Upham shared the view that the afflicted in Salem were imitating the Goodwin children, but he put the blame on both Cotton and his father Increase Mather :. They are answerable… more than almost any other men have been, for the opinions of their time. It was, indeed a superstitious age; but made much more so by their operations, influence, and writings, beginning with Increase Mather's movement, at the assembly of Ministers, in , and ending with Cotton Mather's dealings with the Goodwin children, and the account thereof which he printed and circulated far and wide.

For this reason, then in the first place, I hold those two men responsible for what is called 'Salem Witchcraft' [16]. Mather was influential in the construction of the court for the trials from the beginning. Sir William Phips , governor of the newly chartered Province of Massachusetts Bay , appointed his lieutenant governor, William Stoughton , as head of a special witchcraft tribunal and then as chief justice of the colonial courts, where he presided over the witch trials. According to George Bancroft, Mather had been influential in gaining the politically unpopular Stoughton his appointment as lieutenant governor under Phips through the intervention of Mather's own politically powerful father, Increase.

Bancroft quotes Mather's reaction to Stoughton's appointment as follows:. Mather claimed not to have attended the trials in Salem although his father attended the trial of George Burroughs. His contemporaries Calef and Thomas Brattle place him at the executions see below. Mather began to publicize and celebrate the trials well before they were put to an end: "If in the midst of the many Dissatisfaction among us, the publication of these Trials may promote such a pious Thankfulness unto God, for Justice being so far executed among us, I shall Re-joyce that God is Glorified.

Mather referred to George Burroughs [19] as a "very puny man" whose "tergiversations, contradictions, and falsehoods" made his testimony not "worth considering". The afflicted girls claimed that the semblance of a defendant, invisible to any but themselves, was tormenting them; this was considered evidence of witchcraft, despite the defendant's denial and profession of strongly held Christian beliefs.

On May 31, , Mather wrote to one of the judges, John Richards , a member of his congregation, expressing his support of the prosecutions, but cautioning; "do not lay more stress on pure spectral evidence than it will bear … It is very certain that the Devils have sometimes represented the Shapes of persons not only innocent, but also very virtuous. Though I believe that the just God then ordinarily provides a way for the speedy vindication of the persons thus abused. An opinion on the matter was sought from the ministers of the area and a response was submitted June 15, Cotton Mather seems to take credit for the varied responses when anonymously celebrating himself years later: "drawn up at their desire, by Cotton Mather the younger, as I have been informed.

The original full version of the letter was reprinted in late in the final two pages of Increase Mather 's Cases of Conscience. It is a curious document and remains a source of confusion and argument. Calef calls it "perfectly Ambidexter, giving as great as greater Encouragement to proceed in those dark methods, then cautions against them… indeed the Advice then given, looks most like a thing of his Composing, as carrying both Fire to increase and Water to quench the Conflagration.

Thomas Hutchinson summarized the Return, "The two first and the last sections of this advice took away the force of all the others, and the prosecutions went on with more vigor than before. On August 19, , Mather attended the execution of George Burroughs [26] and four others who were executed after Mather spoke and Robert Calef presents him as playing a direct and influential role:. Buroughs [sic] was carried in a Cart with others, through the streets of Salem, to Execution.

When he was upon the Ladder, he made a speech for the clearing of his Innocency, with such Solemn and Serious Expressions as were to the Admiration of all present; his Prayer which he concluded by repeating the Lord's Prayer [as witches were not supposed to be able to recite] was so well worded, and uttered with such composedness as such fervency of spirit, as was very Affecting, and drew Tears from many, so that it seemed to some that the spectators would hinder the execution. The accusers said the black Man [Devil] stood and dictated to him. As soon as he was turned off [hanged], Mr. Cotton Mather, being mounted upon a Horse, addressed himself to the People, partly to declare that he [Mr.

Burroughs] was no ordained Minister, partly to possess the People of his guilt, saying that the devil often had been transformed into the Angel of Light. And this did somewhat appease the People, and the Executions went on; when he [Mr. Burroughs] was cut down, he was dragged by a Halter to a Hole, or Grave, between the Rocks, about two feet deep; his Shirt and Breeches being pulled off, and an old pair of Trousers of one Executed put on his lower parts: he was so put in, together with [John] Willard and [Martha] Carrier, that one of his Hands, and his Chin, and a Foot of one of them, was left uncovered. On September 2, , after eleven of the accused had been executed, Cotton Mather wrote a letter to Chief Justice William Stoughton congratulating him on "extinguishing of as wonderful a piece of devilism as has been seen in the world" and claiming that "one half of my endeavors to serve you have not been told or seen.

Regarding spectral evidence, Upham concludes that "Cotton Mather never in any public writing 'denounced the admission' of it, never advised its absolute exclusion; but on the contrary recognized it as a ground of 'presumption' … [and once admitted] nothing could stand against it. Character, reason, common sense, were swept away. The S. The later exclusion of spectral evidence from trials by Governor Phips, around the same time his own wife's Lady Mary Phips name coincidentally started being bandied about in connection with witchcraft, began in January This immediately brought about a sharp decrease in convictions. Due to a reprieve by Phips, there were no further executions. Phips's actions were vigorously opposed by William Stoughton. Bancroft notes that Mather considered witches "among the poor, and vile, and ragged beggars upon Earth", and Bancroft asserts that Mather considered the people against the witch trials to be witch advocates.

In the years after the trials, of the principal actors in the trial, whose lives are recorded after, neither he nor Stoughton admitted strong misgivings. Wonders of the Invisible World contained a few of Mather's sermons, the conditions of the colony and a description of witch trials in Europe. There are fourteen worthy ministers that have newly set their hands unto a book now in the press, containing Cases of Conscience about Witchcraft. The last major events in Mather's involvement with witchcraft were his interactions with Mercy Short in December and Margaret Rule in September He quotes the public apologies of the men on the jury and one of the judges.

Increase Mather was said to have publicly burned Calef's book in Harvard Yard around the time he was removed from the head of the college and replaced by Samuel Willard. It came out in and cites numerous criticisms of Mather by Robert Calef. William Frederick Poole defended Mather from these criticisms. In , Poole quoted from various school textbooks of the time demonstrating they were in agreement on Cotton Mather's role in the Witch Trial. If anyone imagines that we are stating the case too strongly, let him try an experiment with the first bright boy he meets by asking, Let him try another boy Poole was a librarian, and a lover of literature, including Mather's Magnalia "and other books and tracts, numbering nearly [which] were never so prized by collectors as today.

A quick search of the name Mather in Upham's book referring to either father, son, or ancestors shows that it occurs 96 times. Poole's critique runs less than 70 pages but the name "Mather" occurs many more times than the other book, which is more than ten times as long. Upham shows a balanced and complicated view of Cotton Mather, such as this first mention: "One of Cotton Mather's most characteristic productions is the tribute to his venerated master. It flows from a heart warm with gratitude. Upham's book refers to Robert Calef no fewer than 25 times with the majority of these regarding documents compiled by Calef in the mids and stating: "Although zealously devoted to the work of exposing the enormities connected with the witchcraft prosecutions, there is no ground to dispute the veracity of Calef as to matters of fact.

Calef produced only the one book; he is self-effacing and apologetic for his limitations, and on the title page he is listed not as author but "collector". Poole, champion of literature, could not accept Calef whose "faculties, as indicated by his writings appear to us to have been of an inferior order;…", and his book "in our opinion, has a reputation much beyond its merits. Upham responded to Poole referring to Poole as "the Reviewer" in a book running five times as long and sharing the same title but with the clauses reversed: Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather. Many of Poole's arguments were addressed, but both authors emphasize the importance of Cotton Mather's difficult and contradictory view on spectral evidence, as copied in the final pages, called "The Return of Several Ministers", of Increase Mather's "Cases of Conscience".

In , George Lyman Kittredge published an essay that would become foundational to a major change in the 20th-century view of witchcraft and Mather culpability therein. Kittredge is dismissive of Robert Calef, and sarcastic toward Upham, but shows a fondness for Poole and a similar soft touch toward Cotton Mather. Responding to Kittredge in , George Lincoln Burr , a historian at Cornell, published an essay [42] that begins in a professional and friendly fashion toward both Poole and Kittredge, but quickly becomes a passionate and direct criticism, stating that Kittredge in the "zeal of his apology… reached results so startlingly new, so contradictory of what my own lifelong study in this field has seemed to teach, so unconfirmed by further research… and withal so much more generous to our ancestors than I can find it in my conscience to deem fair, that I should be less than honest did I not seize this earliest opportunity share with you the reasons for my doubts…" [43] In referring to "ancestors" Burr primarily means the Mathers, as is made clear in the substance of the essay.

The final paragraph of Burr's essay pushes these men's debate into the realm of a progressive creed. Perhaps as a continuation of his argument, in , George Lincoln Burr published a large compilation "Narratives". This book arguably continues to be the single most cited reference on the subject. Unlike Poole and Upham, Burr avoids forwarding his previous debate with Kittredge directly into his book and mentions Kittredge only once, briefly in a footnote citing both of their essays from and , but without further comment.

Poole that Brattle here means Cotton Mather himself, is adequately answered by Upham…" [46] Burr's "Narratives" reprint a lengthy but abridged portion of Calef's book and introducing it he digs deep into the historical record for information on Calef and concludes "…that he had else any grievance against the Mathers or their colleagues there is no reason to think. Murdock's father was a banker hired in to run the Harvard Press [48] and he published his son's dissertation as a handsome volume in Increase Mather, The Foremost American Puritan Harvard University Press. Kittredge was right hand man to the elder Murdock at the Press. Scholars have demonstrated that his advice to the witch judges was always that they should be more cautious in accepting evidence" against the accused.

But one wonders who Murdock would have meant by "scholars" at this time other than Poole, Kittredge, and TJ Holmes below [51] and Murdock's obituary calls him a pioneer "in the reversal of a movement among historians of American culture to discredit the Puritan and colonial period…" [52]. Holmes [53] was an Englishman with no college education, but he apprenticed in bookbinding and emigrated to the U. Mather Library in Ohio [54] where he likely met Murdock. In , Holmes wrote an essay for the Bibliographical Society of America identifying himself as part of the Poole-Kittredge lineage and citing Kenneth B.

Murdock's still unpublished dissertation. Holmes often cites Murdock and Kittredge and is highly knowledgeable about the construction of books. Holmes' work also includes Cotton Mather's October 20, letter see above to his uncle opposing an end to the trials. Morison chose not to include anyone with the surname Mather or Cotton in his collection of twelve "builders" and in the bibliography writes "I have a higher opinion than most historians of Cotton Mather's Magnalia … Although Mather is inaccurate, pedantic, and not above suppresio veri , he does succeed in giving a living picture of the person he writes about.

Morison's view seems to have evolved over the course of the s, as can be seen in Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century published while Kittredge ran the Harvard press, and in a year that coincided with the tercentary of the college: "Since the appearance of Professor Kittredge's work, it is not necessary to argue that a man of learning…" of that era should be judged on his view of witchcraft. Like Poole, Morison suggests Calef had an agenda against Mather, without providing supporting evidence. Miller seems to imagine Cotton Mather as sensitive, tender, and a good vehicle for his jeremiad thesis: "His mind was bubbling with every sentence of the jeremiads, for he was heart and soul in the effort to reorganize them.

Hansen states a purpose to "set the record straight" and reverse the "traditional interpretation of what happened at Salem…" and names Poole and Kittredge as like-minded influences. Hansen reluctantly keys his footnotes to Burr's anthology for the reader's convenience, "in spite of [Burr's] anti-Puritan bias…" Hansen presents Mather as a positive influence on the Salem Trials and considers Mather's handling of the Goodwin children sane and temperate. A young adult book. In the preface, Wood discusses the Harvard-based revision and writes that Kittredge and Murdock "added to a better understanding of a vital and courageous man…".

Debate continues on the attitude and role of Cotton Mather…". Toward the later half of the twentieth century, a number of historians at universities far from New England seemed to find inspiration in the Kittredge lineage. Historian Larry Gregg [66] highlights Mather's cloudy thinking and confusion between sympathy for the possessed, and the boundlessness of spectral evidence when Mather stated, "the devil have sometimes represented the shapes of persons not only innocent, but also the very virtuous. The practice of smallpox inoculation as opposed to the later practice of vaccination was developed possibly in 8th-century India [68] or 10th-century China [69] and by the 17th-century had reached Turkey. It was also practiced in western Africa, but we do not know when it started there.

By the beginning of the 18th century, the Royal Society in England was discussing the practice of inoculation, and the smallpox epidemic in spurred further interest. Smallpox was a serious threat in colonial America, most devastating to Native Americans, but also to Anglo-American settlers. New England suffered smallpox epidemics in , —90, and During this era, public authorities in Massachusetts dealt with the threat primarily by means of quarantine. Incoming ships were quarantined in Boston Harbor , and any smallpox patients in town were held under guard or in a "pesthouse".

In , Onesimus , one of Mather's slaves, explained to Mather how he had been inoculated as a child in Africa. Mather then declared, in a letter to Dr John Woodward of Gresham College in London, that he planned to press Boston's doctors to adopt the practice of inoculation should smallpox reach the colony again. By , a whole generation of young Bostonians was vulnerable and memories of the last epidemic's horrors had by and large disappeared. Despite attempts to protect the town through quarantine, nine known cases of smallpox appeared in Boston by May 27, and by mid-June, the disease was spreading at an alarming rate. As a new wave of smallpox hit the area and continued to spread, many residents fled to outlying rural settlements. The combination of exodus, quarantine, and outside traders' fears disrupted business in the capital of the Bay Colony for weeks.

Guards were stationed at the House of Representatives to keep Bostonians from entering without special permission. The death toll reached in September, and the Selectmen , powerless to stop it, "severely limited the length of time funeral bells could toll. On June 6, , Mather sent an abstract of reports on inoculation by Timonius and Jacobus Pylarinus to local physicians, urging them to consult about the matter. He received no response. Next, Mather pleaded his case to Dr. Zabdiel Boylston , who tried the procedure on his youngest son and two slaves—one grown and one a boy. All recovered in about a week. Boylston inoculated seven more people by mid-July.

The epidemic peaked in October , with deaths; by February 26, , Boston was again free from smallpox. The total number of cases since April came to 5,, with deaths—more than three-quarters of all the deaths in Boston during Boylston and Mather's inoculation crusade "raised a horrid Clamour" [82] among the people of Boston. Both Boylston and Mather were "Object[s] of their Fury; their furious Obloquies and Invectives", which Mather acknowledges in his diary. Boston's Selectmen, consulting a doctor who claimed that the practice caused many deaths and only spread the infection, forbade Boylston from performing it again. The New-England Courant published writers who opposed the practice.

The editorial stance was that the Boston populace feared that inoculation spread, rather than prevented, the disease; however, some historians, notably H. Brands , have argued that this position was a result of the contrarian positions of editor-in-chief James Franklin a brother of Benjamin Franklin. Douglass was exceptional at the time for holding a medical degree from Europe. At the extreme, in November , someone hurled a lighted grenade into Mather's home. Several opponents of smallpox inoculation, among them Rev. John Williams , stated that there were only two laws of physick medicine : sympathy and antipathy.

In his estimation, inoculation was neither a sympathy toward a wound or a disease, or an antipathy toward one, but the creation of one. For this reason, its practice violated the natural laws of medicine, transforming health care practitioners into those who harm rather than heal. As with most colonists, Williams' Puritan beliefs were enmeshed in every aspect of his life, and he used the Bible to state his case. He quoted Matthew , when Jesus said: "It is not the healthy who need a doctor, but the sick. In addition, he demanded that ministers leave the practice of medicine to physicians, and not meddle in areas where they lacked expertise. According to Douglass, smallpox inoculation was "a medical experiment of consequence," one not to be undertaken lightly.

He believed that not all learned individuals were qualified to doctor others, and while ministers took on several roles in the early years of the colony, including that of caring for the sick, they were now expected to stay out of state and civil affairs. Douglass felt that inoculation caused more deaths than it prevented. The only reason Mather had had success in it, he said, was because Mather had used it on children, who are naturally more resilient. Douglass vowed to always speak out against "the wickedness of spreading infection".

Generally, Puritan pastors favored the inoculation experiments. Increase Mather, Cotton's father, was joined by prominent pastors Benjamin Colman and William Cooper in openly propagating the use of inoculations. Puritans found meaning in affliction, and they did not yet know why God was showing them disfavor through smallpox. Not to address their errant ways before attempting a cure could set them back in their "errand". Many Puritans believed that creating a wound and inserting poison was doing violence and therefore was antithetical to the healing art. They grappled with adhering to the Ten Commandments , with being proper church members and good caring neighbors.

The apparent contradiction between harming or murdering a neighbor through inoculation and the Sixth Commandment—"thou shalt not kill"—seemed insoluble and hence stood as one of the main objections against the procedure. Williams maintained that because the subject of inoculation could not be found in the Bible, it was not the will of God, and therefore "unlawful. With the Bible as the Puritans' source for all decision-making, lack of scriptural evidence concerned many, and Williams vocally scorned Mather for not being able to reference an inoculation edict directly from the Bible.

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